Originally published on Teshome Beyene’s blog, republished here with permission.
A Conference of Delusion: Why the TPLF Cannot Deliver National Unity
The ongoing “Conference for National Unity,” for which TPLF delegates have gathered from across Tigray in Mekele, is a fiasco from the start. Watching Debretsion and his shameless comrades dance to their heart’s content amid a region in ruins is nothing short of tragic. Just four kilometres to the west of where Debretsion and his comrades are dancing, only a week ago, a toddler was eaten by a hyena – a member of a displaced family. In this meeting, General Tadesse Worede lamented that the TPLF must not be allowed to decline or disintegrate, a concern that should never have been his.
Tigray will only be saved by the full unity of its people—by all political forces, civil societies, and communities acting together, and by a merciless evaluation of the past: what went wrong, and who is responsible. The same individuals who facilitated—or at the very least failed to prevent—the genocide, the same weaklings who panicked in the face of disaster, cannot possibly haul Tigray out of its abyss.
Tigray needs an entirely clean slate of leadership—broad-based, forward-looking leaders who see beyond their personal interest. Not those who cling to the past, trying to build bravado from their failures. Not the unthinking, self-congratulatory few who constantly shift blame to others.
Tigray needs leaders who grasp geopolitics and analyze its realities within that frame; who respect sovereignty and defend principle; who do not bow to the cheap, manipulative overtures of Isaias Afwerki—the demagogue and sworn enemy of the Tigrayan people. Tigray needs leaders with vision, not those who perpetually peddle fear with refrains like “our enemies will not sleep until they crush us.”
The TPLF must show at least a shred of humility—enough to say, “We led the people astray. We drove the resistance into ruin. We are accountable.” Only then, after public remorse and genuine repentance, could it hope to be one actor among others in rebuilding Tigray—of course, not the dominant, untouchable force it once was. Only then might the Tigrayan youth grant it another chance.
As many have said—most recently Teacher Shewit Wudassie—even if resistance becomes necessary again, it cannot be under the current TPLF rump led by Debretsion. The likes of Dr. Abreham, who was a captive in the previous war and only spared from being killed in the field either by the will of Abiy, or the compassion of the soldiers capturing them, cannot credibly call for resistance. It is unbecoming of him; a captive cannot inspire moral fortitude or patriotic zeal. Inspiration will instead come from the likes of Zeray Asegdom, General Gebre Gebregizabher, Ambassador Seyoum Mesfin, Abay Tsehaye, and Abay Nefso, or others who either fell in battle or took their own lives with courage and conviction.
Thousands of Tegrayans fell in the field at a tender age, while Abreham Tekeste, Solomon Kidane, and others, those who were supposed to be the leaders of the resistance, gave up and capitulated. Now, what shred of moral authority do they have to incite another cohort of young people for a future round of resistance?
Dr. Abreham and others like him cannot be symbols of national resistance and patriotism.
Who Turned Against the TDF? Look to the “Corps and Above”
January 23, 2025, marked a defining moment in the history of the TDF. From that day onward, Tigray has struggled to stand united; disunity seeped in. Gebre Gebretsadik (aka Gebre Adet) and others of their kind made the TDF serve one political group. Yet, months later, instead of recanting that divisive act, they went further—intimidating others in public and fabricating false narratives to sustain their version of events. No one has ever tried to slur the TDF; it is Colonel Gebre himself who is twisting facts to suit his narrative and to whitewash his misdeeds of January 23.
Colonel Gebre Adet has lately been asserting in a public meeting that people are “blabbering” against the TDF, suggesting that there is an orchestrated attempt to dismantle it. Yet such claims are misleading. The TDF is not an ordinary military structure—it is a national resistance movement, born out of the need to repel a genocidal war that claimed hundreds of thousands of lives and violated countless women.
Among the people, the TDF remains a revered institution. It embodies the courage of the young women and men who rose from their towns and villages to defend their families, their dignity, and their history. Parents and relatives across Tigrai hold profound respect for those fighters. They wish to see these young people reintegrated into society in a healthy, dignified way—some continuing in defence, others rebuilding the civilian life they once knew.
From what I know, the people’s admiration for the TDF as a force of liberation remains unshaken. This was an army of volunteers—young men and women who took up arms out of sheer necessity, not ambition—and who grew into a formidable force within months. The TDF is still viewed as a shield, a protector. But it is also an army whose members deserve demobilization, education, and opportunity to return to productive lives.
Gebre Adet knows this truth well. Yet he distorts it—deliberately—to fit his narrative. Was he not the one who read out the manifesto at the commanders’ meeting, where some two hundred TDF leaders endorsed an intrusive and divisive position—one that aligned with a particular faction of the TPLF and vilified another? That was not the will of the TDF rank and file, nor of the people. Former TPLF fighters who populated the TDF are the ones who have returned to their former allegiance, this time to just one group, despite the supposed acculturation to the standards of a modern army as members of the Ethiopian Defence Force for over twenty years.
Now, let us not allow them to conflate facts. The people are not condemning the TDF; they are trying to hold accountable those who hijacked its noble mission to serve narrow political ends. The facts remain clear: the TDF is still cherished as a historic army of liberation—but there is growing disdain for those who twisted its purpose for factional gain.
Why all the noise about EFFORT? And why the obsession over who runs it?
The Mekelle City Council—a local body—has somehow been thrust into the center of this ongoing EFFORT crisis. This appears to be a task handed down by TPLF leaders. In the absence of a national council, disbanded under the Pretoria Agreement, the TPLF has used local councils as its instruments to echo political whims.
The reality is that EFFORT’s case is in the court. Tewodros Hagos and Tsegay Berhe have pushed back decisively, taking the matter first to the Justice Bureau and later to the judiciary. The court responded by issuing an injunction, ordering the ‘elected’ EFFORT board to suspend its activities until a ruling is made. Out of respect for the judiciary, every other party should simply wait. Attempts to pressure the court with communiqués or public statements are hollow.
The judiciary in Tigray is showing a new sense of vigour and confidence. Meanwhile, the Mekelle City Council, acting as a TPLF instrument, has issued a veiled warning that the Council, as ‘represented’ and the board, as ‘elected’, should continue operating.
In the statement released by the City Council, Tewodros Hagos’s name is cited four times in a single document. The statement also claims that the decisions of the EFFORT Assembly should never be held hostage to the decisions of individuals. Dear Council members, it is not about numbers; it is about the potency and relevance of an idea. Consider the example of Rosa Parks in the USA. One individual, through her refusal to vacate her seat for a white passenger in 1955, helped galvanize wide-reaching change.
Tewodros Hagos and Tsegay Berhe were deeply embedded in the TPLF, both in terms of conduct and operations. Yet now, they have freed themselves from the role of permanent advocates for a political organization, even after being founders and active fighters within it for over fifteen years. These two have truly come of age. Kudos to them for finally proving their independence, demonstrating that they are capable of acting according to their conscience rather than political allegiance.
Moreover, if proximity to the TPLF were the issue, who is closer than Tewodros and Tsegay? They paid in sweat and labor for the cause of the TPLF. Those on the other side, trading barrages of propaganda, are mere juniors by comparison.
So why not let the court decide? Let the two giants—Debretsion and Tewodros—fight it out legally. Let Tigray have a headline case that establishes judicial independence for once in its 35-year history. And should there be disagreement with the court’s decision, appellate or cassation courts remain to review it.
As for the so-called ‘newly elected’ board, according to Mekelle City Council—it includes the likes of Abreham Tekeste and Addis Alem Balema: the same figures entrenched at the top of the TPLF hierarchy. This is just the old system trying to prove that EFFORT must remain entirely under TPLF control. But those days are over. Tigray has moved beyond them.
“Sewit Ahderom to Lead Mastercard Foundation”
Sewit Ahderom, a distinguished Ethiopian-American business leader of Tigrayan lineage and philanthropist, has been appointed as the next President and CEO of the Mastercard Foundation, effective January 1, 2026. She succeeds Reeta Roy, who has led the Foundation for nearly two decades. Her appointment positions her, arguably after Tedros Adhanom, as the highest-ranking Tigrayan in the international arena. The selection follows a rigorous global search by the Board of Directors, reflecting their commitment to advancing education, financial inclusion, and opportunities for youth across Africa and Indigenous communities in Canada.
Before this, Ahderom co-founded Gro Intelligence, a data platform focused on agriculture, climate, and economic trends. She also served as Vice President at Helios Investment Partners, an Africa-focused private equity fund, and worked with Industrial Promotion Services (IPS), the investment arm of the Aga Khan Development Network. Her career, spanning technology, finance, and African markets, equips her with the vision and expertise to lead the Foundation into its next chapter. She also serves on the board of Aceli Africa, promoting access to finance for agribusinesses across the continent, and holds degrees in Electrical Engineering from the University of Connecticut and an MBA from Columbia University.
Ahderom has been a member of the Mastercard Foundation Board for the past two years, giving her firsthand knowledge of its mission. She said, “I am truly honoured to serve the Foundation’s mission… I am committed to listening and learning—from young people, our staff, and our partners—to strengthen collaborations that drive meaningful change in Africa and among Indigenous communities in Canada.” With more than $53 billion in assets, the Foundation remains one of the world’s largest philanthropies, reaching millions of young people through programs like Young Africa Works and Canada’s EleV Program. Under Ahderom’s leadership, it will continue to prioritize local solutions and partnerships while scaling impact across Africa and Indigenous communities in Canada. Congratulations to Sewit Ahderom on this remarkable achievement—wishing her every success as she steps into this global leadership role.
Remembering Mekonnen Alemayehu
In a moment of reflection, Tigray has lost a veteran academic and practitioner, Mekonnen Alemayehu of Axum, who passed away at age 94 in Massachusetts, USA. A low-profile yet magnificent figure, Mekonnen worked in the United Nations for over 30 years in various capacities and, upon retirement, founded Tatus Primary School in Axum at his own expense. A father of four and grandfather of three, he will be remembered as Ethiopia’s first chemical engineer, part of the pioneering batches in the field, leaving a lasting legacy in both education and science.
Rest in Peace, our Veteran
