๐๐๐ค๐ ๐๐๐ ๐๐๐๐ ๐๐๐๐ ๐๐๐๐ค๐ by Teshome Beyene
In this weekโs digest, we will zip through four timely topics;
Tsadikanโs latest interview and reaction from the youth, peril, and starvation, the statement of the TPLF chairperson, and salient points of change and action that the President of Tigrai announced this week.
Enjoy the read!
A. What the Youth Are Saying About Tsadikanโs Interview
I have taken it upon myself to assess, however in a cursory way, public reactions to the significant interview General Tsadkan Gebretensae gave a week ago. Coming after a period of hiatus, this interview was notable not only for the revelations he shared but, more importantly, for his declaration that a coalition has been formed under his leadership to wage a mass peaceful struggle.
The owner of this blog observes that public opinion on General Tsadkanโs interview is deeply divided, with little evidence of shifting alliances.
Supportersโoften those who admire him for his past achievements, treasure his legacy, or feel some envy for his epic statureโhave voiced loud and enthusiastic solidarity. Many praised his new political movement and hailed him as a potential savior, echoing sentiments like, โWell done, Tsadkan; we want a messiah, and that is you.โ
Conversely, staunch supporters of the TPLF remain firmly opposed to him. They have derided his statements, caricatured him harshly, and even labeled him a โbandaโ or a โtraitor.โ
This polarized reaction underscores the enduring divisions within Tigrayan politics and the challenges any leader faces when trying to break new ground.
I would like, however, to point out that if one merely scans social media and those who have not made a deep analysis, the majority of voices appear supportive of Tsadikan.
Critical Reflections on General Tsadkanโs Interview: A Nuanced Divide
Turning to those who approached General Tsadkanโs interview with seriousness and critical thought, I found a reasoned treatise analyzing his statements within the broader political context. These commentators, having taken the time and effort to dissect the interview, were largely critical of it. Three key points, in particular, seem to leave a sour taste among the critics:
The Claim of pro-Ethiopianess
Tsadkan asserted that a large majority of Tigreans see themselves as Ethiopians and wish to remain part of Ethiopia. This statement triggered strong backlash, especially from the Organization for the Independence of Tigray (OIT), which was believed to be part of Tsadkanโs coalition advocating mass peaceful disobedience. The OIT explicitly rejected any consent to work under Tsadkanโs leadership.
More broadly, staunch pro-independence voices considered his assessment a slap in the face, questioning the basis of his claim about the majorityโs sentiments on independence.
The Narrative of Being Barred from Tigray:
Critics said Tsadkanโs claim that he is barred from entering Tigray and fears for his life, yet tries to encourage the youth to revolt from afar, seems self-serving. They believe that, as an experienced leader, it would have been more powerful and honest for him to express frustration about being blocked, announce his plan to return anyway, and lead directly from within Tigray. This, they argue, would connect better with his supporters.
Skepticism Regarding the Prosperity Party
Many questioned Tsadkanโs apparent softening stance toward the Prosperity Party. Critics dissected his statements, observing an unsettling impression that he views the Prosperity Party either as no longer an enemy or perhaps never truly was one. This raised doubts about how he intends to challenge the TPLF effectively while seemingly operating from a territory controlled by a party viewed by many Tigreans as hostile. Given that the rest of Ethiopia remains tightly controlled by a dictatorial and corrupt government, skeptics doubt that meaningful change in Tigray can come without confronting these broader systemic issues.
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B. Tigray in Peril: Starvation and Migration Amid Political Turmoil
At least 68 Ethiopian migrants have died, and 74 remain missing after a vessel carrying 154 people sank in the Gulf of Aden off Yemenโs southern Abyan province, according to the UNโs International Organization for Migration (IOM), as reported by AP.
While the exact number of victims from Tigray is uncertain, many believe it is significant. Ultimately, the origin of the victims should not matterโsuch a tragic loss of life is a profound human tragedy regardless of background. Yet, given this platformโs focus on Tigray, we cannot ignore the impact this disaster likely has on our communities.
Closer to home, a parallel crisis unfolds in Kola Tembien, where over 20 people have reportedly died from drought and famine. This is the same Kola Tembien that once sheltered Tigrean leaders during their most vulnerable momentsโthe same villages that generously shared their resources and risked everything to protect those fleeing the wrath of the Prosperity Party and Isaias Afwerki. Today, these hardworking men and women suffer in silence.
Encouragingly, support has flowed in from across Tigrayโfrom Raya, Mekelle Universityโs community, and other compassionate groups. This solidarity is vital and must be sustained. However, there is growing fear that famine may spread to other parts of Tigray unless urgent action is taken.
The root of the crisis is simple yet damning: when leadership fails to command universal trust, it cannot effectively mobilize people during times of hardship. Leaders have been expending energy over control of vital resources and institutions such as EFFORT and the TDA, neglecting the urgent task of rebuilding livelihoods. The consequences are dire and inevitable.
For Tigrayโs youth, the lack of economic opportunities drives desperate migration, sometimes across seas that have claimed many lives. This pattern is not unique to Tigray; it echoes what has been seen in Eritrea and elsewhere. What worsens the situation here is political isolation. Tigray lacks meaningful representation in Addis Ababa. Even during the era when the TPLF dominated Ethiopian politics, ordinary Tigreans had limited influence. Today, the federal governmentโs apathy is stark and palpable. All foreign aid and external relations flow exclusively through Addis Ababa, under federal control.
This apathy, combined with federal monopoly over aid and diplomacy, could easily enable the government to block or restrict assistance to Tigray at will (there is abundant evidence of that already). This ability to withhold vital support deepens the peopleโs suffering and further isolates the region during times of urgent need.
Nevertheless, support from other Ethiopian communities must be nurtured and encouraged. Strengthening community-to-community relations and collaboration beyond Tigrayโs borders is essential to delivering meaningful aid and solidarity.
My skepticism is reserved solely for the Ethiopian government, whose relentless and malicious obstruction remains undeniable. Its entrenched hostility is the greatest barrier to relief and recovery.
Survival now depends largely on solidarity among neighboring communitiesโthe capacity of Tigreans to help one another in times of crisis. General Tadesseโs government must acknowledge this reality and act decisively. The stakes could not be higher: human lives, social cohesion, and the very survival of rural communities hang in the balance.
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C. Debretsionโs Return to the Public Eye: Same Leader, Same antics, Same Jaber
After a long absence, Dr. Debretsion Gebremichael has resurfaced in the media via a televised interview. It was, in many ways, the same Debretsionโonly with a sprinkling of newsworthy updates. True to form, his ever-present Apple laptop sat in front of him, and he frequently tapped away for information mid-conversation. The image was less of a political leader issuing decisive guidance to his people, and more of an academic presenting at a conference.
Key Messages from the Interview
1. TPLF โReformโ in the Works
Debretsion announced that the TPLF is on the verge of reform, with plans for young leaders to take the helm. A study has been conducted, a committee formed, and an announcement is expected soon. He also reaffirmed that the TPLF remains firmly in control: all political appointments, he claimed, come from the party.
Regarding the Southern Zone, he admitted there had been setbacks since last year, when local leaders boycotted the partyโs congress. This contradicts General Tadesseโs claim that replacing the zonal administrator was his own decision as regional president. In reality, it appears Tadesse acted under persistent pressure from the TPLF leadership.
2. Criticism of the Federal Government on Territorial Issues
Debretsion accused the federal government of abandoning its responsibility to restore Tigrean territories occupied by Amhara militias. He stressed that displaced people cannot return when their homes are occupied by settlers from the Amhara region and when hostile forces, responsible for past atrocities, still roam freely. On this point, his argument is difficult to contest.
3. Strategic Positioning and Relations with Eritrea
Debretsion suggested that Tigray would not face a 360-degree encirclement if war breaks out again. While he stopped short of explicitly declaring warm political ties with Eritreaโs ruling PFDJ, he emphasized improvedย people-to-peopleย relations across the border and hinted that official interactions were no longer hostile. He noted that some farmers had returned to previously occupied lands along the Eritrean frontier and said his administration is working to ensure that the process continues.
Still, this raises the question: if the federal government has abdicated its responsibility to reclaim Tigrean (and Ethiopian) territories, what concrete measures will the TPLF itself take to secure those lands?
ReformโBut What Kind?
What kind of reform is Debretsion envisioning? Will it mean abandoning โrevolutionary democracyโ as an ideology? Reversing the doctrine of the primacy of nationsโ and nationalitiesโ rights? Or will it be a push toward full independence for Tigray? For now, itโs a matter of waiting and seeing. But one reality is clear: many people have lost faith in the TPLF. Some view it as irrelevant; othersโespecially younger generationsโsee it as a liability rather than a party of the future.
The Algiers Agreement Controversy
One particularly controversial moment, for me, was Debretsionโs statement that the party would abide by the 2000 Algiers Agreement and the Hague rulingโagreements widely seen as unfavorable to Tigray and, hence, to Ethiopia. Entered into half-heartedly by the TPLF, these deals were viewed as sacrificing the national interest.
Given Eritreaโs later expulsion of the UN mission (UNMEE), its unprovoked 2020 invasion, and the widespread atrocities committed, it is baffling that Debretsion would still pledge compliance. This seems less like legal prudence and more like an attempt to appease the PFDJโa move many Tigreans will find deeply offensive. Alietena and Badme are as historically, culturally, and emotionally Tigrean as Alamata, Humera, and Dansha.
The Changing Political Landscape
Whatever happens to the TPLF now is largely its affair. The era when Tigreans across the spectrum referred to it asย โแแตแฅแโย (โour partyโ) is over. Multiple parties, multiple voices, and multiple visions for Tigray now exist. If TPLF reforms, it will be out of necessityโan effort to remain relevant and competitive in elections, not because it enjoys an unquestioned mandate.
Today, many among the public, particularly the educated elite, would prefer to see the party distance itself from government, acknowledge past mistakes, and atone for its lack of preparation before the devastating 2020โ2022 war. This was a party that did not even want to fill leadership vacuums left by the sacrifice and imprisonment of nearly half its executive committee, and instead concentrated decision-making in the hands of just five people, often with disastrous results.
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General Tadesse, President of Tigrai, addressing a big gathering of administrators and security chiefs
D. General Tadesse Addresses Illegal Gold Mining in Tigray: A Complex Battle with Morality and Law
General Tadesse recently took the podium at a conference in Mekelle, convening officials from zones, woredas, the army, and security forces to discuss measures against illegal gold mining in western and central Tigray.
At the meeting, it was announced that a broad committee comprising various agencies has been formed to tackle this growing problem. So far, the committee has impounded 440 heavy-duty excavation machines used in illicit gold extraction.
The financial toll is staggering. Only 24 million birr of public revenue was collectedโ a mere 0.34% of the 7 billion birr in royalties that should have been earned if legal procedures were followed.ย This horrendous shortfall highlights both the extent of the corruption and the failure of governance.
Yet, beyond the massive loss of public funds, the environmental devastation wrought by hundreds of machines gouging the land is equally alarming. The illegal mining exacerbates wealth disparity and normalizes lawlessness, embedding corruption deeper into the fabric of society.
What was particularly troubling, however, was General Tadesseโs attempt to justify or soften the perception of the crime. He remarked thatย โone consoling thing is that the illegality was committed by Tigrayans, and the money went to Tigray. As long as it is reinvested locally, it is not a big breachโย (paraphrased).
This rationale is morally bankrupt and deeply concerning. Crime is crime, regardless of who commits it or where the proceeds are invested. Such a statement from the head of government reveals a troubling tolerance toward corruption, and worse, sets a dangerous precedent of excusing wrongdoing based on narrow considerations.
Historically, the TPLF/EPRDF administrations showed leniency toward their political allies when involved in corruption, often weaponizing corruption, and charges selectively against political opponents. This appears to be a continuation of that pattern.
Moreover, General Tadesseโs attendance at the recently banned EFFORT congress was itself a breach of the rule of law. Now, by appearing to condone corruption, he further undermines legal and ethical governance.
However long overdue, such a beginning is a positive step and should be encouraged. Yet, offenders must be brought to justice. Only through fair and transparent legal proceedings can the public gain reassurance and confidence that repeat offenses will be prevented. It is at this point that the rule of law can truly be said to prevail.
On another front, the National Reconciliation lawโwhich General Tadesse emphasized repeatedly during his inaugurationโwas passed by cabinet last week. Though the details and regulations are yet to be released, I am sure the law presents a delicate balancing act.
The challenges are significant: Where do you begin addressing past misdeeds? Who should be included or excluded? Will legal measures be a last resort or applied strictly to intolerable offenses? Without careful and inclusive approaches, the effort risks derision and failure.
I look forward to reviewing the lawโs text and to consulting lawyers to provide a deeper analysis in due course.