๐™๐’Š๐™œ๐’“๐™–y ๐‘พ๐™š๐’†๐™ ๐’๐™ฎ ๐˜ฟ๐’Š๐™œ๐’†๐™จ๐’• | April 5 – 11, 2025

๐‘๐‘’๐‘ค๐‘  ๐‘Ž๐‘›๐‘‘ ๐‘ƒ๐‘’๐‘Ÿ๐‘ ๐‘œ๐‘›๐‘Ž๐‘™ ๐‘‰๐‘–๐‘’๐‘ค๐‘  by Teshome Beyene

This week began with a political tremor: the official resignation of Getachew Reda from the presidency of the Tigrai region. It wasnโ€™t entirely unexpected, but it hit hard. Regret, praise, and uncertainty flooded social media and cafรฉs alike. Even the appointment of his successor, General Tadesse Worede, couldnโ€™t dull the emotional impact of Getachewโ€™s departure.
For over a month, rumors swirled: Was Getachew coming back? Was it just a break? But his recent interviews with Professor Getachew Asefaโ€”marked by blunt revelations of military pressure and alleged threats to his lifeโ€”signaled the end. So when the announcement came, it wasnโ€™t a shockโ€”but it did stir something deeper. The public reaction, stretching across Tigrai and beyond, was a mix of drama and reflection.
General Tadesseโ€™s appointment was nearly as anticipated as Getachewโ€™s exit. Earlier, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed had invited the public to submit nominations for the presidency via email. That effort quietly disappeared. In the end, Abiy handpicked Tadesse. Whether the initial outreach was genuine or a staged distraction remains unclearโ€”but looking back, it feels more like diversion than democracy.
Reactions to the appointment of General Tadese are mixed. Some see it as the military tightening its hold on civilian leadership. Others view it as the TPLF preserving control. Still others believe only someone with military credentials can navigate Tigraiโ€™s current crisis.
What caught many eyes was the brief, 8-point โ€œterms of referenceโ€ Tadesse signed. It referenced the Pretoria Agreementโ€”but selectively. It promised the return of IDPs, but made no mention of occupied territories. DDR was included; transitional justice wasnโ€™t. What Tadesse makes of this sparse mandate remains to be seen.
His inaugural address, summarized by the Voice of Woyane, struck a broader toneโ€”pledging cabinet reshuffles, institutional reform, and a focus on governance and reconstruction.
Tadesseโ€™s first decisive move came quickly. His administration issued a formal protest to the federal government, rejecting the Amhara Regional Governmentโ€™s public claim over Humera and Wolkaitโ€”triggered by reports of a road project in Western Tigrai. The letter called the claim unconstitutional and a clear breach of the Pretoria Agreement. It was a rare moment of clarity and assertivenessโ€”one that may resonate with a public weary of silence on core issues.
The TPLFโ€™s reaction to Tadesseโ€™s appointment is murky. A ceremonial banquet, opened by a Martyrsโ€™ Day ballad, signaled endorsement. Yet their absence from the swearing-in raised eyebrows. Was it to avoid an awkward moment with Getachewโ€”or quiet dissent?
At the same time, the TPLFโ€™s public statement on the Pretoria Agreementโ€™s implementation was clear and direct.
For now, the presidential vacuum is filled. Tigrians, by nature or necessity, extend the benefit of the doubt. Whether Tadesse earns it remains to be seen.
Then came another twist: Getachew was named Minister for East African Affairsโ€”a federal advisory post. Just three years ago, such an appointment wouldโ€™ve been unthinkable. But politics often shifts between enmity and alliance. Some say it gives Tigrai a voice at the center. Others see it as strategic sidelining. Either way, Abiy gains by bringing a popular and savvy figure under his wing. For TPLF stalwarts, though, Getachew remains a ghost haunting them from Addis.
Another Tigrean diplomat was also appointed to a senior post at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Symbolically importantโ€”but far from a meaningful boost in representation.
Two more developments rounded out the weekโ€”one somber, one striking. The death of General Alfatah, a longtime Sudanese ally of Tigrai and the TPLF, was met with heartfelt tributes online. His support in the 1990s is still remembered. Meanwhile, Colonel Tewelde Gebretensae (Embebe) of the TDF and part of the Pretoria negotiating team, voiced strong reservations about the January 23, 2025, decision by Tigraiโ€™s top brass. He said he hadnโ€™t backed (even though not on record), the armyโ€™s move to recognize the Debretsion faction as the sole legitimate leadership of the TPLF.
As we all know, the January 23 incident decisively altered Tigraiโ€™s political trajectoryโ€”contributing to Getachewโ€™s fall, and possibly General Tsadikanโ€™s as well. If more voices break silence, it could open space for a healthier political culture in Tigrai.
Letโ€™s hope thatโ€™s the direction weโ€™re heading. Until next week.
Too Gentle for the Storm: Getachew Redaโ€™s Political Farewellย 
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Getachew Redaโ€™s simplicity, sharp intellect, engaging wit, and light-hearted tone will be missed. For many Tigrean youth, he has long embodied a symbol of a hopeful futureโ€”one free from the hardline and backstabbing politics that defined much of the past fifty years.
His sudden departure from the political stage is both heartbreaking and unexpected. And yet, it might be the right moment for him to turn a pageโ€”to take a well-earned break and embark on a period of reflection and renewal. For nearly a decade, Getachew has been at the heart of Ethiopiaโ€™s political storm, especially since the rise of Abiy Ahmed, serving as a senior official in both party and government. The pace has been relentless.
While it may still be too early to assess the full impact of his two-year tenure in the Tigray Interim Administration, a few defining qualities immediately stand out. His clear and unwavering advocacy for peace, his commitment to accountabilityโ€”including his oft-repeated call that โ€œall of us in the TPLF leadership must be held accountableโ€โ€”and his principled stance on the need to separate the functions of the party from the state, shall remain etched in public memory.
But the political terrain he navigated was rugged and unforgiving. Meaningful reform required clear choices from the outset. One path could have involved building a base within the party, challenging the old guard directly, and working to shift the balance from withinโ€”a tall order, but not entirely impossible. Another option would have been to rally the broader public around a reform agenda and lead a peaceful transformation from the ground up. Both routes demanded early and unwavering commitmentโ€”and a strategic toughness rarely afforded in politics.
In this unforgiving arena, Getachewโ€™s inclination to remain collegial, inclusive, and open may have run counter to the instincts of those around him, many of whom prefer zero-sum politics and have long mastered the art of grassroots manipulation through fear and propaganda. As I have long believed, both culturally and ideologically, Getachew belongs not to the entrenched politics of the 1960s, with its obsession over โ€œfriend or foeโ€ dichotomies, but to the present and futureโ€”a politics rooted in dialogue, openness, and transformation.
I sincerely wish Getachew all the best in whatever path he chooses next. His intellectual depth and clarity of thought are immense, and I have no doubt that his contributionsโ€”whether in public service, academia, or civil societyโ€”will continue to enrich our collective journey.

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